Regional & Social Dialects

REGIONAL AND SOCIAL DIALECTS

Authors:

LYLI LESTARI

HELEN M SUKOVA

AMI RAMADANI

WILDANI HARAHAP

UNIVERSITY OF LANCANG KUNING

FACULTY OF  EDUCATION AND TEACHER TRAINING

ENGLISH EDUCATION

2016/2017

PREFACE

            Praise and Thank to Allah SWT because the mercy and guidance. So,  a paper about "Regional and Social Dialects" can be completed on time. And do not forget to send shalawat and salam to our propet Muhammad S.A.W.
            And thank you very much to the Mr Kurniawan, M.pd as lecturer who has given knowledge and understanding to us. So, we able made this paper.  We also say thank you to our friends who have provided support and encouragement in writing this paper 
            We knows that this paper is still far from perfection. Therefore, the authors is very hope suggestion, critic and advice from reader as guidelines for making paper in the next time. 
We hopes this paper can be useful and can give knowledge to the reader's.

Pekanbaru, 11 October 2016

Authors

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Pages

FOREWARD ……………. .............................................................. ...................         i

TABLEOF CONTENTS ….................................................................................         ii

CHAPTER I  : INTRODUCTION

A.    Background .....................................................................................................        1

B.    Problem Formulation ………………………………………………………..         2

C.    Purpose ……………………………………………………………………...          2

CHAPTER II : DISCUSSION

A.     …...................................................................................           3

B.     ........................................................................................           5

C.    ………………………………………………………….            5

D.     …………………………………………………………..          6

CHAPTER III : CLOSING

A.    Conclusion. .................................................................................................             8

B.     Suggestion………………………………………………………………..              8

REFERENCE

CHAPTER I

                 INTRODUCTION              

A. Background

      Dialects (Greek: διάλεκτος, dialektos), is a variant of a language according to the user. Unlike the variety of language that is a variant of a language according to the user. This variation is different from each other, but there are still many similarities indicate that not deserve to be called a different language. Usually awarding dialect is based on geography, but can be based on other factors, eg social factors.
          A dialect differentiated by the vocabulary, grammar, and pronunciation (phonology, including prosody). If the distinction is only based on the pronunciation, the accent is the appropriate term and not a dialect.

Ø  Types of dialect

Judging from the shape is divided into three dialects, namely:

a. Regional dialects, the dialect whose characteristics are limited by space. Often called Dialect Area. This dialect is usually grown in a particular area, meaning that people outside the region will not understand the dialect in question.

b. Social dialects, namely the dialect spoken by a particular social group. For example, people in the Cardboard definitely have different dialects with people outside the palace. Or people in the community office dialect definitely different from those that exist in the market community.

3. temporal dialect, which dialect different from time to time. This dialect is only growing at a certain time and when it's time to change the dialect that is not there anymore. This can be seen from the spelling, ways of writing and pronunciation. For example the Old Malay dialect, dialect 1970, etc.

Ø  Differences between  Regional and Social Dialects

Prioritizing regional dialect boundaries region, people in the region will understand what they were saying to one another, while residing in another region or outside of the region will not be familiar with the dialect in question.

Differences groups that are regional we know based on natural boundaries. In contrast to the bias social groups that are defined by sex, age, occupation. Bias is also determined by economic status that distinguishes the rich with the poor, or social status as we see in society recognize caste, or any group with less educated uneducated group. Differences also occur in due status that comes to political power that lead to the ruling groups and groups of commoners.

All social groups that have the potential to have a language with certain characteristics that distinguishes it from potential other. If group it really be true, then it could be a dialect of the language of social or at the lack of variety of languages.

We also know that there are differences in the language men and women, childhood to adulthood, the market with the factories and much more. Similarly, a variety of language that we call dialects.

CHAPTER II

DISCUSSION

A. DEFINITION OF REGIONAL VARIATION

The most extensive type of language variation is regional or geographic variation. This variation develops as a result of limited communication between different parts of a community due to various geographical barriers, such as mountain ranges and rivers. Under such circumstances, language of one part of the community does not spread elsewhere. Therefore,   in this case, difference in variation can develop. Such distinctive varieties are usually called regional varieties of the language. From this explanation we can take conclusion that regional variation is varieties of a language which is spoken in different geographical area. The study of regional varieties is the oldest traditions in the systematic study of intra-language variation.

            The term “dialect” may be still used in this discussion. Dialect is one example of regional variation. It is stated by Wolfram, that dialect refers to regional or ethnic varieties of a language which is used by a community.

The example of dialect:

Ming is an old woman who lives with her son in a rural village near the town of Yinde in Guangdong Province in southern China. The family grows vegetables for the local market. Ming speaks her province dialects of Chinese, Cantonese. Last summer, Gong, an official from Beijing in the north, visited her village to check on the level of rice and ginger production. Gong also spoke Chinese, but his dialect was Mandarin or putonghua. Ming could not understand a single word Gong said.

Languages are not purely linguistic entities. They serve social functions. In order to define a language, it is important to look to its social and political functions, as well as its linguistic features. So a language can be thought of as a collection of dialects that are usually linguistically similar, used by different social groups who choose to say that they are speakers of one language which functions to unite and represent them to other groups. This definition reflects sociolinguistics reality by including all the linguistically very different Chinese dialects, which the Chinese define as one language, while separating the languages of Scandinavia which are linguistically very similar, but politically quite distinct varieties.

Then, the other kind of regional variation is explained more clearly below:

1. International varieties

Here the example of international varieties:

A British visitor to New Zealand decided while he was in Auckland he would look up an old friend from his war days. He found the address, walked up the path and knocked on the door.

“Gidday,” said the young man who opened the door. “What can I do for you?”

“I’ve called to see me old mate Don Stone,” said the visitor.

“Oh he’s dead now mate,” said the young man.

The visitor was about to express condelences when he was thumped on the back by Don Stone himself.  The young man had said., “Here’s dad now mate”, as his father came in the gate.

To British ears a New Zealander’s dad sounds like an English person’s dead, and bad saounds like bed. Americans Australians, as well as New Zealanders, tell of British visitors who were givenpens instead of pins and pens instead of pens.

2. Intra-national or intra-continental variation

Example:

Rob   : This wheel’s completely disjaskit.

Alan  : I might could get it changed

Rob   : You couldn’t do nothing of the sort. It needs dumped.

This conversation between two Geordies (people from Tyneside in England) is likely to perplex many English speakers. The double modal might could is typical Geordis, though it is also heard in some parts of the Southern USA. The expression needs dumped is also typical Tyneside, though also used in Scotland, as is the vocabulary item disjasket, meaning “worn out” or “compeletely ruined”.

Regional variation  takes time to develop. British and American English , for instance, provide much more evidence of regional variation than New Zealand or Australian English. In the USA, dialetologist can identify distinguishing features of the speech of people from different regions. Nothern, Midland and Southern are the main divisions, and within those three areas a number  of further divisions can be made. Different town and even parts of towns can be distinguished: and within those the Boston dialect is different from that New York City. Words dragonfly in the EasternStates include darning, needle. Mosquito hawk, spindle, snake feeder, snake dactor, and snake waiter, but of these only darning needle is used in New York.

3. Cross-continental variation: dialect chains

Dialect Chains are very common across the whole of Europe. One chain links all the dialects os German, Dutch and Flemish from Switzerland through Austria and Germany , to the Netherlands and Belgium, and there is another which links dialects of Portugese, Spanish, Catalan, French and Italian. A scandinavian chain link dialects of Norwegian, Swedish and Danish. So taht Swedes and Norwegians in adjacent areas can communicate more easily than fellow-Swedes from Southern and Nothern Sweden.

B. DEFINITION OF SOCIAL VARIATION

Another type of language variation is social variation. In many localities, language variation due connected with social classes, educational levels, or both. More highly educated speaker and often, those belonging to a higher social class tend to use more features belonging to the standard language, whereas the original dialect of the region is better preserved in the speech of the lower and less educated classes. From this explanation it can be said that social variation happened because of the social norms like social class, religion, education, etc.

Sociolinguists today are generally more concerned with social variation in language then with regional variation. When we turn from regional variation to social variation, things get somewhat more complicated but also more interesting. For, whereas individual may grow up exclusively or primarily in one region, they typically belong to many social groups simultaneously and their speech pattern reflects the intersections of their social experiences categories, and roles. The sociolinguist who study social dialect usually attempt to obtain sample of spontaneous or casual speech, the way people speech who they are not relaxed and least conscious that their speech is being observed.

Social variation in language might be considered from the perspective of differences between speakers in a variety of dimensions including age, social class and network, race or ethnicity, and gender.

1.         Age

Variation in language according to age may reflect either age grading or change in progress. Age grading involves features associated with specific age groups as a development or social stage. Normally speakers abandon the features associated with a particular stage as they grow older and they begin to speech pretty much like the members of the age group above then as they mature.

The kind of age – related language variation which we are most likely to notice is the use of slang which as noted above is a variety of age grading. Slang is linguistic prerogative of young people and generally sound odd to older person.  In the mouth in New Zeeland young people currently use the terms wicked, choice & cool to describe something they approve of. The other example of social variation related to age grading is the use of “gonna & wanna”.

2.         Social status

·                 People can be grouped together on the basis of similar social and economic factors. Their language generally reflects these groupings – they use different social dialects. It is easiest to see the evidence for social dialects in places such as India and Indonesia where social divisions are very clear-cut. In these countries, there are caste system determined by birth, and strict social rules govern the kind of behaviour appropriate to each group. The rules cover such matters as the kind of job people can have, who they  can marry, how they should dress, what they should eat, and how they should behave in a range of social situations. Not suprisingly, these social distinctions are also reflected in speech differences. A person’s dialect reflects their social background.

Javanese social status is reflected not just in choice of linguistic forms but also in the particular combinations of forms which each social social group customarily uses, i.e. the varieties or stylistic levels that together make up the group’s distintive dialect. In javannese, there are six distinguishable stylistic levels.

Two javanese words at different stylistic levels

“You”	“Now”	Stylistic level
Pandjenengan Sampejan Sampejan Sampejan Pandjenengan kowe	Samenika Samenika Saniki Saiki Saiki saiki	3a 3 2 1a 1a 1

There are three distinct Javanese social groups and three associated dialects

1.         The dialect of the lowest status group, the peasants and uneducated townspeople, consists of three stylistic levels : 1, 1a and 2

2.         The dialect of urbanised people with some education consists of five stylistic levels : 1, 1a, 2, 3 and 3a.

The dialect of highly educated highest status group also consists of five levels, but they are different from those of the second social group: 1. 1a, 1b, 3 and 3a.

Ø   Vocabulary

The term social class is used here as a shorthand term for differences between people which are associated with differences in social prestige, wealth and education. Bank managers do not takl like office cleaners, lawyers do not speak in the same way as the burglars they defend. Class divisions are based on such status differences. Status refers to the defences or respect people give someone-or dont give them, as the case may be- and status generally derives in Western society from the materials resources a person  can command, though there are other sources too. Family background may be a source of status independently of wealth. So class is used here as convenient label for group of people who share similarities in economic and social status.

Social dialect research in many different countries has revealed a consistent relationship between social class and language patterns. People from different social classes speak differently. The most obvious differences – in vocabulary – are in many ways the least illuminating from a sociolinguistic point of view, though they  clearly capture the public imagination. In the 1950s in England many pairs of words were identified which , it was claimed, distinguished the speech of upper class English (‘U speakers’) from  the rest (‘non-U speakers’). U speakers used sitting room rather than lounge (non-U), and lavatory  rather than the (non-U) toilet.

Ø  [r] Pronunciation

One linguistic form which has proved particularly interesting to sociolinguists studying English-Speaking speech communities is the varriable pronunciation of [r] in words like car and sard, for and form. In areas where [r] pronunciation is prestigious, sociolinguists have found patterns like those described above  for [h] dropping. The higher a person’s social group, the more [r] they pronounce.

Ø  Vowels

Example:

Sir – What is happening to the humble letter ‘i’ in New Zealand? In many mouths HIM becomes HUM, JIM is JUM and TILL is TULL. I overheard a young girl telling her friend on the phone that she had been to a doctor and had to take six different PULLS a day. After four repititions, she had to spell it to be understood.

In this letter the writer is complaining about way New Zealanders pronounce their vowels. The examples illustrate the difficulty of precisely describing differences in the pronunciation of vowels without the aid of a phonetic script. Measuring slight differences in the wat speakers pronounce the ‘same’ vowels is also a challenging task.

Ø  Other language

Similar pattern can be found in any speech community where there is social stratification. In Tehrani Persian, as well as in the Swahili used in Mombasa, the same relationship is found between speech and social class. The higher social groups use more of the standard forms, while the lowest groups use the fewest standard forms.

Ø  Grammatical pattern

This pattern has been noted for a variiety of gramatical variables. Here are some examples of standard and vernacular grammatical forms which have been identified in several English-speaking communities.

Form	Example
Past tense verb forms	1.   I finished that book yesterday 2.   I finish that book yesterday
Present tense verb forms	3.   Rose walks to school everyday 4.   Rose walk to school everyday
Negative forms	5.   Nobody wants any chips 6.   Nobody don’t don’t want no chips
Ain’t	7.   Jim isn’t stupid 8.   Jim ain’t stupid

The higher social groups use more of the standard grammatical form and fewer instances of the vernacular or non-standard form. With the grammatical pattern, the third person singular form of the present tense regular verb (e.g. standard she walks vs vernacular she walk), there is a sharp distinction between middle-class groups and the lower-class groups. People are more aware of social stigma in relation to vernacular grammatical forms, and this is reflected  in the lower incidence of vernacular forms among middle-class speakers in particular.

Sentences (6) in the list illustrate a pattern of negation which is sometimes called ‘negative concord’ or ‘multiple negation’. Where standard English allows only one negative in each clause, most vernacular dialects can have two or more. In some dialects every possible form which can be negated is negated.

Multiple negations are grammatical construction which has been found in all English-speaking communities where a social dialect study has been done. In every community studied it is much more frequent in lower-class speech than in middle-class speech. In fact there is usually a dramatic contrast between the groups in the amount of multiple negations used. It is rare in middle-class speech.

3.      Race and Ethnicity

Race and ethnicity – correlated differences in language use reflect the effect of bilingualism. For instance, the fact that in some varieties of Mexican, American English voiced (z) is replaced by voiceless (s) (so that speakers say “soo” for “zoo”)may be attributed to transfer or interference from Spanish, which does not have voiced (v) in word initial or word final position. Similarly, Koreans learning has no similar forms; conversely, Koreans may feel uncomfortable with the fact that English does not encode the complete honorific distinction between addressees which are expressed by Korean verbs.

Foreign language influences of this type are more likely the more recently one’s family or ethnic group immigrated. But ethnic varieties of English do not merely reflect passive inheritance from a parental or ancestral language. On the contrary, ethnic varieties are often actively maintained or developed to express the distinctive ethnic identify of their users.

The example of race and ethnic variety is African – American Vernacular English (AAVE). AAVE is actively an excellent variety to concentrate, since it perhaps more different from Standard English than any other American English dialect. Table below identifier the primary phonological and grammatical features of AAVE.

4.       Gender and Social Class

Example 5

Linda lives in the south of England and her dad is a lawyer. When she was 10 years old she went to stay for a whole school term with her uncle Tom and auntie Bet in Wigan, a Lancashire town, while her mother was recovering from a car accident. She was made to feel very welcome both in her auntie’s house and the local school. When she went home she tried to describe to her teacher what she had noticed about the way her uncle and auntie talked. ‘Uncle Tom is a plumber’ she told Mrs. Button ‘and he talks just like the other men on the building site where he works – a bit broad. He says ‘ouse’ and ‘ome’ and [kup] and [bus]. When she’s at home auntie Bet talks a bit like uncle Tom. She says “Me feet are killin’ me [luv]. I’ve ‘ad enough standin’ [up] for today”. But she works in a shop and when she’s talking to customers she talks more like you do Mrs Button. She says house and home and she talks real nice – just like a lady.’

The linguistic features which differ in the speech of women and men in Western communities are usually features which also distinguish the speech of people from different social classes. So how does gender interact with social class? Does the speech of women in one social class resemble that of women from different classes, or does it more closely resemble the speech of the men from their own social class? The answer to this question is quite complicated, and is different for different linguistic features. There are however, some general patterns which can be identified.

In every social class men use more vernacular forms than women. Figure 7.1 shows, for instance, that in social dialect interview in Norwich, men used more of the vernacular [in] form at the end of words like speaking and walking than women. And this pattern was quite consistent across five distinct social groups. (Group 1 represents the highest social group.)

Notice, too that in the lowest and the highest social groups the women’s speech is closer to that of the men in the same group than to that of women in other groups. In these groups class membership seems to be more important than gender identity. But this is not so true of women in group 2. Their score (of 3 per cent) for vernacular forms is closer to that of women in group 1 than it is to that of men from their own group. This may indicate they identify more strongly with women from the next social groups than with men from their own social group.

C. SOCIAL DIALECTS

Social groups in society are not only distinguished based on the area where the group was staying, but can also be discriminated on the basis of social conditions. Thus, social groups within a region can still be grouped-grouped again by the social conditions of each individual. Difference are social groups that can be defined by sex, age, occupation. The difference can also be determined by economic status contrasted group rich and poor; or social status as in the familiar society caste, or any group of educated and uneducated groups. such differences also occur because of the status of power rooted in political cause the ruling group and the group of rabble. In our pluralistic society can see their groups into one because of heredity or ethnicity.

All social groups have the potential to have a 'variation of the language' with certain traits that different from other groups. If the potential is really realized to be true then 'variations of the language' that is based on group This becomes a social dialect or Sociolect. Therefore, it appears the variation of speech between different speakers, for example group Middle Class and Working Class in England, between the Brahman caste and Shudra in Bali, between class and class gentry farmers in Java, between Muslims, Jews, Christians in Iraq, although they using the same language. Shape and pattern of social class stratification between communities other diverse communities. If stratification based on employment or income level, it is possible the displacement of speakers from members as one to the other class members. However, if social stratification in public speaker based on caste, the social classes will a clearly defined boundaries because they have a more assertive, namely factor descent. Although the caste system is stable, precisely caste members sometimes necessary know and understand various dialects at the same time.

According Trudgil (1974), the cause of the diverse dialects.

The variance due to the social constraints (social barriers) and the distance Social (social distances). The development of linguistic features between community members hindered by the limitations in the form of social class, age, race, religion, and factor other. Social distance as social constraints limiting the development of features linguistic, and are the same as geographical distance, the farther away the social level the further distinction linguistic features. Other causes of emergence of diverse dialects is their a tendency that the elite, upper class tend to want to differentiate themselves with the non-elite, as seen in the following quote "Dominant social. Themselves growing niche groups to mark off symbolically as distinct from the group they dominate and to interpret Reviews their symbols of distinctiveness as evidence of superior moral and intellectual qualities "(Biber and Finegan, 1994). Language Standards as One Dialect

CHAPTER III

CLOSING

A. Conclusion

In this paper there are some explanation about Regional and Social Variation. The way you speak is usuaaly a good indicator of your social background . And there are many speech features which can be used as clues. Sociolinguists have found that almost any linguistic features in a community which shows variation will differ in frequency from one social group to another in a pattrnedand predictable way

Regional or geographic variation is variation that develops as a result of limited communication between different parts of a community due to various geographical barriers, such as mountain ranges and rivers. Under such circumstances, language of one part of the community does not spread elsewhere. Some types of this variation are international varieties, intra-nation or intra continental variation, and cross-continental variation: dialect class.

Social variation surveys have demonstrated that stable variables tend to divide English speaking communities sharply between the middle class and lower or working classes. So patterns of [h]-dropping and [iη] vs [in] pronunciation sharply divide the middle-class groups from the lower-class groups in Norwich. In this paper has been concerned almost exclusively with the dimension of social status or class. It is clear from all the evidence discussed that the social class someone belongs to is reflected in their speech pattrns. Many people, however, are not very conscious of belonging to a particular social class. They are much more aware of other factors about the people they meet regularly than their social class membership. A person’s gender and age are probably the first things we notice about them.

REFERENCE

Holmes, Janet. 2001. An Introduction to Sociolinguistics. London: Longman.

Coulmas, Florian. 1998. The Handbook of Sociolinguistics. Singapore: Blackwell Publishing.

Spolsky, Bernard. 1998. Sociolinguistics. New York: Oxfrod.

Wardhaugh, Ronald. 2006. An Introduction to Sociolinguistics.Hongkong: Blackwell Publishing.